Kalingas of the Philippines

Occasional killings over feuds unchanging occur, however. The kalingas have survived through the institution of the peace pact, for with growing western sandwich influences, guns were replacing spears at the end of the nineteenth century, which would have conduct to wholesale slaughter had the people not found former(a) ways of settling their disputes (Dozier, 1983, 1).

The Kalinga ar organized approximately tierce subcultural beas based on geography--the southern, eastern, and northern Kalinga beas. The Kalinga be aware of these divisions and frequently refer to the social and cultural characteristics of each subdivision. the home component part for a Kalinga is where one has relatives and where one's loyalties are anchored, and people from other regions, whether Kalinga are not, are not to be trusted. This is a throwback to the season before the peace pact, but the peace can be broken at any time (Dozier, 1983, 10-11). The largest geographical building block recognized by the Kalinga is the region, and region and phylogenetic relation circle are equated in the thinking of the people. Each region contains a modus operandi of villages and hamlets, with different sizes of village common to the different regions. Hamlets are ne'er very permanent for the Northern Kalinga, which was probably once the carapace for all the Kalinga (Dozier, 1983, 12-14).

The standhold is the residence unit for the Kalinga, occupied by a nuclear family and perhaps an aged parent or grandparent. in that respect may also be a handmaiden or two in wealthy family units. The ave

rage size of the household ranges from 4.5 to 5.5 persons. Economic activities are shared by a larger interacting circle of relatives life sentence in two or more houses located in a common area, and this may be designated as the broad household and consists of two or more nuclear families. There is a strong belief that the bride's parents and relatives should endure the house and house site for a young married couple, and when a family cannot provide a house, it is shamed. Members of the extended household work together in common economic tasks. Both sexes help in the sieve fields and swiddens, though jobs are divided within the field, since hands are considered suitable for plowing and women for weeding.

Men work around the house in house building and house repair, and other than the household chores belong to the women. It is difficult to locate the place of potence in group tasks involving the extended household as means and discipline both seem unstructured, but extended household decisions and work projects emanate from the older relatives, particularly the senior couple. Orders are so subtly given, though, that the extended family seems to act by pedagogy rather than by a perceptible familial chest of drawers system (Dozier, 1983, 17-20). The kinship system is based on the kinship circle and is organized bilaterally and generationally so that the terms, behavior, and obligations toward relatives extend external (Dozier, 1983, 23-24).

The religious beliefs of the Kalinga are extensive and center on a belief in spirits, and disease, death, crop failure, and all other misfortunes are ascribed to the spirits, though other causative agents are recognized in sorcery and the violation of taboos. When someone dies, his or her soul or spirit must be properly sent to the afterworld by means of funeral rituals. The idea of the afterworld itself is not very carefully conceived, though there seems to be a belief that the spirits all hover about or go to some separa
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